Category Archives: Public Policy Radar

Exactly!

One of the current pushes for a new constitutional convention is for an amendment that would allow 2/3 of the state legislatures to overturn federal legislation that upsets the balance of federalism.  Since this is an area of some interest to us at the Policy Institute we try to find scholarship that supports our position on such things.

Dr. Tom Woods explains in his book Nullification why the power to nullify federal law already exists in the form of the 9th and 10th amendments to the current Constitution.

In this video Dr. Woods also explains what happens when you propose solutions that the mainstream politicians and media don’t like or find to be “dangerous” (amazing that we live in an age where a shackled federal government is a dangerous idea). Especially since, as Dr. Woods book demonstrates in the book, nullification has been used highly successfully by states to turn back federal tyranny.

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N_KuIL7icUc&feature=player_embedded#[/youtube]

Watch the video that follows and see if you get Dr. Woods point and the joke. An interview with a zombie.

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TrcM5exDxcc&feature=channel[/youtube]

Policy Institute On The Radio-The Con-Con Con Job On The “Mission America” Program

On Tuesday January 18,2011 Barry Sheets, the director of the Institute For Principled Policy, was the guest host on Linda Harvey’s Mission America program on WRFD radio. His guest was Chuck Michaelis, the Vice-chairman of the Institute and Executive Director of Camp American. The subject was efforts by a number of nominally “conservative” groups to call a new “single issue”  or “shackled” constitutional convention.

The Institute For Principled Policy has done extensive research on the issue of “single issue” or “shackled” federal conventions and has drawn the conclusion, based on the evidence presented by proponents of such a convention, that the result of such a call would be a disastrous discarding of the current constitution and the creation of a new constitution.

You can hear the half-hour interview here.

Chuck Michaelis and Tom DeWeese have done several classes on the history and consequences of constitutional conventions at Camp America in 2009 and 2010. Videos of these talks are available at a nominal cost from Camp American- click here.

Understanding The Game Behind The Curtain

This entry is part 2 of 6 in the series Crises, Coups and Constitutional Conventions

There is currently a movement in the United States that is gaining a disturbing momentum. The leaders of the movement are agitating state governments to petition Congress to call a new constitutional convention. While groups on the left have been demanding a new convention for the purpose of re-writing the existing Constitution for decades  the current calls are coming from groups that most would place in the “conservative” category. The liberal groups are calling straightforwardly for a convention with plenipotentiary constitution making authority while the conservative elements are calling for a convention limited by charter for the purpose of amending the existing Constitution.  While the latter sounds reasonable it is the opinion of the Institute For Principled Policy, not on our own authority but based on extensive research on the legal, historical, and procedural precedents set by conventions of the United States, colonial America, and Great Britain, that the chartering of a so-called controlled or “shackled” constitutional convention will have the same result as the calling of a convention with plenipotentiary authority. That predicted result in either case is a new constitution. Based on further research into existing constitutional models, parts which are already being implemented, we believe that the government created by any new constitution will be divorced from both the bedrock philosophical moorings laid out in the Declaration of Independence and from the shackles imposed by the current constitution. In this light the Hegelian Dialectical nature of the debate over a new constitutional convention is exposed.

In this series we will present the case and documentation that are the foundation our positions.

_______________________________________________________

You will understand the game behind the curtain too well not to perceive the old trick of turning every contingency into a resource for accumulating force in government– James Madison to Thomas Jefferson March 14, 17941

Who are the players?

There are four major views about the calling of a new Constitutional Convention (Con Con). One of them is by far the most dangerous, but it’s not the one you might think. That group will be revealed later in the discussion. The first position we are describing as the “What’s a Constitution?” position. While that’s something of an overstatement (all of these position descriptions are slightly caricaturized in order to simplify the discussion. In reality there are positions that are subtle blends of these positions), what can be stated without exaggeration is that constitutional literacy is at a nadir. We can also say without exaggeration that this is apparently the majority position. This group is, by and large, out of the debate over a new Con Con except insofar as it can be manipulated by one or the other of the remaining groups. Because this group is so grossly ignorant of the Constitution they are often easily swayed by attractively packaged sound-byte style arguments. Because they neither know nor care to know the historical conditions of the first Con Con, they are unable to discern that there are concerted efforts to create a public demand for a new Con Con using deception and outright falsehood to do so. For simplicity’s sake we will call this group “the disengaged.”

The second position is best characterized by the statement “A new Con Con is a dangerous idea in the current social and political climate.” This group is best described as “constitutionalist” rather than “conservative,” since they believe that there is nothing wrong with the country that cannot be solved by a return to foundational constitutional principles. This group would argue that the original intent of the Constitution should be the guiding principle of law, but that the intent of the framers was set aside long ago by “consolidationists,”- those who would concentrate government authority in Washington DC by any means necessary but mostly through the federal courts. Thomas Jefferson foresaw the problem of expansion of federal authority through the process of construction and stated to Wilson Nicholas in an 1803 letter-

I had rather ask an enlargement of power from the nation, where it is found necessary, than to assume it by a construction which would make our powers boundless. Our peculiar security is in the possession of a written Constitution. Let us not make it a blank paper by construction.2

To make it clear, the Institute for Principled Policy takes this position. For simplicity we will refer to this group as “the constitutionalists.”

The third position is best characterized by the statement “A new Constitution MUST be written in a new convention immediately, if not sooner” position. This group can be spotted by their rhetoric. You will hear things like “the Constitution was written for a different time” or “the Constitution was written before mass communication, transcontinental travel, while the US was a small de-populated shoestring nation, before the ICBM, terrorism, etc., etc. etc.” Of course, all of these arguments are empty because they ignore the reason the Constitution was written the way it was.

The Constitution was written to restrict the ability to concentrate power in a central government. The desire to accumulate power is a timeless problem based on man’s sinful nature. The members of this group are radical revolutionaries. They are fully aware that the limits on government built into the Constitution simply cannot be sufficiently twisted, manipulated or re-interpreted to allow the confiscation and redistribution of wealth or to build the necessary power structures required to administer the giant welfare state that would have to be created.

This group believes strongly that the current Constitution represents an obsolete view of government as the protector of God-given rights in favor of the view that government is the fount from which springs all good things including man’s rights and needs. Because the document represents superseded theory of government it must be smashed and replaced with one that is more in tune with “modern theories” (in fact just rehashed ancient theories of despotism) of government. Members of this group, in accordance with their operational atheism (though many would claim agnosticism or some form of powerless faith in a deistic god), believe that the end justifies the means by which the smashing of the Constitution is done. They will say or do ANYTHING to get a new convention. They are media savvy and smart enough to realize that they are in a minority. Therefore, in order to get the convention they want a way must be devised to recruit members of another one of these groups. They realize that with a careful use of deception and manipulation of certain crises enough people from the first or second groups can be induced to change positions to the fourth group and the fourth group can be baited into joining them in calls for a new convention. For simplicity we will refer to this group as “the radicals.”

The fourth group is best characterized by the statement “a ‘shackled’ Constitutional Convention can be called and completely controlled by the states” position. Of the four basic positions this one is the most dangerous. Considering the description of the previous position you may find this surprising. But it is the combination of historical illiteracy and the legitimate desire to use existing legal procedures to solve crises in government that has led to a situation that can only be described using Paul Craig Roberts’ phrase, “the tyranny of good intentions”3. That is because they have taken the bait dangled by the radicals without doing the necessary historical research to confirm the assertions made by them. The bait is that a single issue convention can be called by the states and can be controlled by “strongly worded” state and federal constitutional convention resolutions, up to and including adding “criminal penalties” for failure to comply with those resolutions (creating major procedural and constitutional faux pas that will be discussed later). The problem with this is that the bait hides a hook. The hook is that all of the procedural rules and legal and historical precedents expose the fact that a “controlled” convention is a myth cut from whole and that a convention cannot be held to any legislative restrictions. Once the bait is taken and the hook set the fish finds itself in a situation that it neither expected nor wanted. The fisherman however has exactly what he set out to get.

The vulnerable group is the most dangerous in the Con Con debate because, in many cases, they have trusted moles from the radical group. The radicals have worked themselves into prominent positions in think tanks that the vulnerables trust to give them the correct information and have badly misled them. The radicals are willing and able to use personal relationships to pass along skillfully twisted versions of history and carefully constructed tendentious arguments in favor of a “controlled” single-issue convention. Though the vulnerable group is the most dangerous, they are not the enemy; in fact many good constitutionalists have adopted this position. Most of them believe in government limited by law. What has happened is that many in this group have been seduced by reasonable-sounding but false arguments regarding constitutional procedures and precedents. This group is well-meaning and enthusiastic about real reform and a lack of historical reference points makes them vulnerable to unscrupulous radical Con Con advocates with a knapsack full of convincing but false talking points. For simplicity we’ll refer to this group as “the vulnerable.”

Rules of the game

Most of the players are under the impression that there are a set of rules. They believe that all players have agreed to be honest in presenting their arguments and the facts that form the foundations of those arguments. In any game where at least one of the players believes that the end justifies the means (e.g., the radicals, including those who are posing as vulnerables) the rules the others are playing by are rendered meaningless by players who deny either the validity of the rules or that the rules apply to them. It is as if in a high-stakes poker game one of the players has slipped a marked deck into the game and additionally has concealed a number of face cards for later use. The cheater might attempt to defend himself with the excuse that his winnings will be used for “the greater good” but that does not change the fact he is a fraud and that his idea of the “greater good” not shared by the other players. This puts the other players at an extreme disadvantage because they still assume that there are rules that all of them are playing by. In the case of the Con Con call game, the rules are thought by the players to be honesty regarding arguments made about the historical, procedural and legal precedents of previous calls, resolutions and conventions. The stakes in the game of whether or not to call a new constitutional convention are too high to assume impeccable honesty on the part of those making the case for a new convention. Therefore the players must carefully examine the claims both for and against the calling of a new constitutional convention. In the words of Ronald Reagan, “trust but verify.” They must ask carefully crafted questions aimed at confirming the claims, pro and con, of the different players and, VERY importantly, they must CONFIRM the answers given. It is not enough to trust that the answers given are the honest truth. Remember, that the radicals will say ANYTHING to get a new convention and that they do not play by the rules. We realize that since this assertion is done in a way that puts the burden of proof on us and so we will make our case by providing the answers to questions that no one else seems to be asking (or if they are asking they are accepting answers at face value) regarding the calling of a new constitutional convention.

In the next part of this series we will begin to examine the questions that MUST be answered.

__________________________________________________

1 Madison, James, Letters and Other Writings of James Madison Fourth President of the United States in Four Volumes, Vol. II 1794-1815, J.B. Lippincott & Co., Philadelphia, PA, 1865, P. 7

2 Peterson, Merrill D., ed., Thomas Jefferson, Writings, Library of America, Literary Classics of the United States, Inc., New York, NY, 1984, P. 1140, letter to Wilson Carey Nicholas

3 Roberts, Paul Craig, Lawrence M. Stratton, The Tyranny of Good Intentions; How Prosecutors and Bureaucrats Are Trampling The Constitution In The Name of Justice, Forum (an imprint of Prima Publishing), Roseville, CA 95661, 2000

Is The Constitution Pornography?

Progressives are getting desperate. They cannot deal with the absolutes of the Constitution, so they first resort to criticizing it. Barack Obama did this in 2001, saying the Constitution was fundamentally flawed because of its restraints on government.

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=11OhmY1obS4&feature=mfu_in_order&list=UL[/youtube]




After the 112th Congress opened its session with a historical reading of the Constitution on the House floor in January 2011, this really set the progressives over the edge. First, Marxist propagandist and former Howard Dean campaigner Ezra Klein claimed that the Constitution was irrelevant and has no binding power!

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gjHFiLdpwOQ[/youtube]

(Does the First Amendment have any binding power on Klein’s right to write and speak lunacy?)

The third step was for several liberal legislators and the lamestream media accusing republicans and TEA partiers of having a “constitution fetish“.  The word “fetish” has a couple of definitions.

1. An object regarded with awe as being the embodiment or habitation of a potent spirit or as having magical potency.

2. Any object or nongenital part of the body that causes a habitual erotic response or fixation.

While the technical context of the criticism was the first, the obvious connotation was the second. Much like the tea partiers were labeled as “teabaggers” by the progressives (a repulsive act of homosexuals), now the Constitution itself has been derided and sexualized as pornography – an addictive vice that is worshiped, idolized, and causes arousal.

At the same time, progressives will defend real pornography as a sacred right protected by the very document they lampoon!

This is what happens when absolutes are thrown out the window – reality is subjective to the whims of those in power. The Constitution, much like the Bible, is chock-full of didactic and absolute language – “shall” and “shall not” – referring to the powers and limitations of the federal government. However, progressives and tyrants prefer feel-good dialectic and flexible language that appeals to our flesh and humanistic sinful nature. This how government health care becomes a “right”, homosexuals are allowed to serve in the military, and illegal immigrants become righteous victims deserving of mercy instead of law-breakers.

If anybody has a fetish, it is the progressives with their obsession of “salvation by the state”.  So-called democracy is their church, the media is the choir, and the IRS passes the collection plates (at the point of a gun). Some even get a thrill up their leg at the mere thought of a savior-President. Who has the fetish now?

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=no9fpKVXxCc&feature=mfu_in_order&list=UL[/youtube]

With this crowd, every problem has a big-government solution, and anyone who dares to appeal to a higher authority to argue otherwise is dismissed with sophomoric insults. Yet the book of Ecclesiastes tells us that what is crooked cannot be made straight. (Eccl. 1:15). This fallen and sinful world cannot be “fixed” by the power of the state. The founders of America knew this, and crafted our brilliant Constitution because they understood human nature.

It’s not about fetishes, it’s about world view. It’s not about worshiping or deifying the Constitution, it’s about respect for absolutes and God’s authority over His creation. The only question is, are there enough Americans remaining that have a Biblical and Constitutional world view of absolutes to preserve this nation for future generations? Or will we allow those with big-government fetishes to trash our Constitution and turn us into a European-style secular and socialist state?

Aware of the tendency of power to degenerate into abuse, the
worthies of our country have secured its independence by the
establishment of a Constitution and form of government for our
nation, calculated to prevent as well as to correct abuse.
Thomas Jefferson

Reprinted by permission of Liberty Nation

Help Stop Lame Duck Senatorial Regulatory Shenanigans

From our friends over at the National Health Federation


NEWS RELEASE


TAKE ACTION NOW TO STOP S.510

CALL YOUR SENATORS TODAY!


November 16, 2010



As you have heard from several other sources, the Beast is back.  Congress has begun its dreaded Lame Duck session where the discredited Congressional Leadership intends to pass every anti-freedom measure they can while they still hang by their filthy claws on to power.

Among the many disturbing acts of violence Congress plans to inflict upon Americans is the so-called Food Safety Modernization Act (S.510), which is scheduled for a cloture vote on Wednesday.   You have already taken steps to oppose S.510 before, but now it is really time to take action and stop this monstrosity from being passed.

In a misguided attempt to “safeguard” our food supply, S.510 grants extraordinary powers to the FDA, which already has a long history of abuse and misuse of its authority over both foods and supplements.  This bill would give the FDA the authority to impose extensive, burdensome requirements on small- and medium-sized farms, ranches, and orchards such that many of them would certainly be driven out of business.  Far from making our food supply safer, this bill would make it less safe.  You must help us stop it!

So please call your Senators today to urge them to oppose S.510!

You can find your two Senators’ contact information at 
http://www.senate.gov/general/contact_information/senators_cfm.cfm

In addition, even if they are not your own Senators, contact the following Senators to complain about their anti-freedom support of S.510: Orrin Hatch (UT), Tom Harkin (IA), Mike Enzi (WY), Lamar Alexander (TN), Judd Gregg (NH), John Isakson (GA), and Richard Burr (NC).  These are Senators who should know better, but are supporting this bill in a misguided belief that it will actually accomplish something.

hatch.senate.gov/public/index.cfm?FuseAction=Offices.Cont…

harkin.senate.gov/contact.cfm

enzi.senate.gov/public/index.cfm?FuseAction=ContactInform…

alexander.senate.gov/public/index.cfm?p=Email

gregg.senate.gov/contact/

isakson.senate.gov/contact.cfm

burr.senate.gov/public/index.cfm?FuseAction=Contact.Conta…


Tell your Senators and these others that:

  1. S.510 fails to address the real cause of the problem: Big Agribusiness and increasing centralization of the food supply.  We need to DE-centralize, not increase centralized, Federal control.
  2. They need to at least support the Tester-Hagan amendment, and even broaden its scope, so that small farms, ranches, and orchards will not be disproportionately impacted by burdensome rules and regulations when these food suppliers are not even the cause of any problems in the food supply.
  3. S.510 actually supports foreign food suppliers and helps them compete against our own U.S. companies!
  4. S.510 puts arbitrary power into the hands of the very agency (the FDA) that has proven time and again that it cannot be trusted with such powers.
  5. You will make it your personal mission to tell everyone you know that, if they vote for S.510, these Senators voted to wreck America’s food supply and that they are personally responsible for the food problems this bill will have caused.
  6. You support the efforts of Senator Tom Coburn to mandate spending offsets to pay for the massive increases in the FDA’s $4 billion dollar budget.  We need government fiscal restraint, not more increases in deficit spending.

And for all of those who signed our On-Line Petition opposing S.510, our NHF Lobbyist Lee Bechtel is hand-delivering that completed Petition to Senate Offices today.


Please take action right now!  Your calls could make the difference!

Senate main number is (202) 224-3121


********************


National Health Federation: Established in 1955, the National Health Federation is a consumer-education, health-freedom organization working to protect individuals’ rights to choose to consume healthy food, take supplements and use alternative therapies without unnecessary government restrictions. The NHF is the only such organization with recognized observer-delegate status at Codex meetings. www.thenhf.com

Crises, Coups and Constitutional Conventions- Introduction

This entry is part 1 of 6 in the series Crises, Coups and Constitutional Conventions

There is currently a movement in the United States that is gaining a disturbing momentum. The leaders of the movement are agitating state governments to petition Congress to call a new constitutional convention. While groups on the left have been demanding a new convention for the purpose of re-writing the existing Constitution for decades  the current calls are coming from groups that most would place in the “conservative” category. The liberal groups are calling straightforwardly for a convention with plenipotentiary constitution making authority while the conservative elements are calling for a convention limited by charter for the purpose of amending the existing Constitution.  While the latter sounds reasonable it is the opinion of the Institute For Principled Policy, not on our own authority but based on extensive research on the legal, historical, and procedural precedents set by conventions of the United States, colonial America, and Great Britain, that the chartering of a so-called controlled or “shackled” constitutional convention will have the same result as the calling of a convention with plenipotentiary authority. That predicted result in either case is a new constitution. Based on further research into existing constitutional models, parts which are already being implemented, we believe that the government created by any new constitution will be divorced from both the bedrock philosophical moorings laid out in the Declaration of Independence and from the shackles imposed by the current constitution. In this light the Hegelian Dialectical nature of the debate over a new constitutional convention is exposed.

In this series we will present the case and documentation that are the foundation our positions.

_______________________________________________________

About once a decade or so, over the last 40 years, a group of social activists decides that a new constitutional convention would be a good idea for one reason or another. The 2010’s have proven to be no exception. What is exceptional about the early 2010’s is that there is a looming governmental and economic crisis that could conceivably provide the “tipping point” necessary for a new convention. In the past, issues like the so-called “Fair Tax,” immigration reform, a balanced budget amendment, state sovereignty (already covered in the 9th and 10th amendments to the Constitution) and a host of others, one group has a list of 10 proposed amendments, have been used as motivating issues. Up to this point, none of these issues, taken singly, have had the horsepower necessary to create the political pressure necessary to trigger a serious call for a constitutional convention.

The concept of the “tipping point,” a rapid and pivotal change in public opinion or the opinion of key players at critical points of history that occur prior to and which drive key historical events1,  is a crucial concept in the history of  the Constitution. The number of constitutional conventions held in the United States is small, only one so far, but the histories of the convention are voluminous. And, sadly, much of what is written in these histories is wrong, based on the writings of those who were diligently working to create a shift in public opinion and were not above a healthy dose of propaganda to create a “tipping point” in favor of replacing the confederated government of the Articles of Confederation with a new, “national” government which would eliminate the states as sovereign entities. After working for years to undermine the authority and effectiveness of the Articles of Confederation, nationalists (those in favor of a new national government) in Massachusetts, found their state embroiled in a crisis, which if sold properly, could be used to mold public opinion and the opinions of key players like George Washington into demanding a new constitutional convention. Men like Henry Knox, Benjamin Lincoln and other former members of Washington’s Continental Army staff, many of them members of the society of the Cincinnati, began writing exaggerated and inflammatory accounts of the events of Shays’ rebellion to key players in Congress, the press and George Washington. Thus Shays’ Rebellion, a local crisis based on a failure of the Massachusetts state government to redress the grievances of its citizens, was turned into an embryonic popular revolt that “threatened to spread across state lines” using carefully constructed accounts of the events that created something of a panic. These were all but a complete fiction. And yet the evidence of this has only been chronicled in any detail in the early 21st century by a scholar who discovered that his university was in possession of the official archives of the rebellion and decided it was time for a fresh look at the data. What he discovered was that the generally accepted accounts of the rebellion don’t match the events painted by the official records.  History truly is in the hands of the victors.

The question we must ask in light of this information is, can something similar happen in our time? Are there individual or groups who want a fundamental change in our form of government and are they willing to exploit a crisis or create one to achieve the goal? Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, a progressive product of 1960’s radicalism, demonstrated that her training was not wasted. “Never waste a crisis” she told the European Union when speaking on global climate change and the global economic meltdowns (speaking of created crises). [youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B62igfNu-T0[/youtube]Clinton knows history. She knows that no radical change to government is possible except as a reaction to some crisis that is perceived as having no existing remedy that   requires quick and decisive action. Thus the quote attributed to James Madison- “Crisis is the rallying cry of the tyrant”- is demonstrated to be an important insight, whether or not Madison actually said or wrote it.

What if a “perfect storm” of concern and outrage over a combination of two or more of the “hot button” issues from the list above or some other societal problems begins to gain momentum? What about a complete economic collapse? What about more “Obamacare” or bank/financial bailout type situations?  Do people really understand that the problem with our current  government lies not in its structure but in the fact that its limits as outlined in the Constitution, the highest law of the land,  are repeatedly ignored or directly flouted by the very people they return to office election cycle after election cycle? Do people who should, really understand the ins and outs of a new constitutional convention or have the waters regarding the first convention, what happened there and what those precedents mean for a new convention been too muddied by historical revisionism and malignant neglect?  Or have those events been clouded by a fog of general ignorance of the history and causes of the first convention in combination with deliberate efforts to obfuscate them?

In that vein, are you able to spot both the drum beat of  crisis and the fatal problems with this “model resolution” calling for a “shackled” constitutional convention for one purpose and one alone?

Federal Relations Working Group Resolution on Article V of the U.S. Constitution2

Whereas the growth of federal government power at the expense of states has accelerated in recent years; and Whereas limiting the continued unchecked growth of federal power may require Constitutional reform; and

Whereas Congress is unlikely, without outside encouragement to propose any Constitutional Amendment that limits its own power; and

Whereas two-thirds of the states should have the same power to propose individual amendments to the Constitution for ratification as does two-thirds of Congress; and

Whereas when state legislators understand that legal and political procedures could limit an Article V Convention to the consideration of just one amendment, the balance of power between the federal and state governments would be fundamentally altered;

Therefore be it resolved that the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) support and facilitate the education of state legislators about how an Article V Convention called by state legislatures could be reliably limited to an up or down vote on the text of a single amendment to the U.S. Constitution, including the possibility of an amendment that would give two-thirds of the states the explicit right to propose amendments without having to obtain the consent of Congress;

Therefore be it further resolved that ALEC facilitate times for legislators interested in working on this issue in more detail to meet during future ALEC meetings and events.

The drumbeat of the crisis is readily evident . But did you find the far more subtle problem in the “Whereas’s?” It’s there and it’s big. But don’t feel bad if you can’t find it. Most can’t. That’s because there has been so little effort put into teaching the Constitution, how it works and it’s history in primary and secondary education. Colleges, aside from a few isolated outposts of original intent thought teach a dreadfully deconstructed version of the events surrounding its development, how it’s supposed to function and the document itself. That’s why this series is being written.

Since many don’t know the history leading up to and during the Philadelphia Convention in 1787 we’re going to walk through some of the high points (and some of the low) and point out where there has been unintentional and where there has been deliberate blurring of those events.  Some of the history isn’t pretty and some readers will find that founders they had looked at almost as demi-gods will emerge as men of much lower stature, men of great ability who sometimes used their God-given talent to further their own, sometimes less than lofty goals and ends. This is not necessarily a bad thing. Deification of men, no matter their historical importance and personal abilities is a dangerous matter. We will also expose some rather gaping flaws in the Constitution. This will challenge the beliefs of some who believe the Constitution is a Divinely inspired document handed down in revelatory style, on par with the Bible. It will also challenge those adherents to the American civil religion, the First Church of the United States, wherein American citizenship somehow automatically rates a free trip through the Pearly Gates as long as the holy sacraments are received by the congregants.

Don’t misunderstand; the Constitution is a brilliantly written document and is unequaled in history. It has some glaring mistakes, something that is to be expected of a document written by men with different backgrounds, motivations and viewpoints. It is marvelous, eloquent, flawed and in modern political discourse bantered about for public consumption but mostly ignored by the men and women we have charged with a solemn oath to uphold and defend it.

And most of all, it needs to be preserved, defended and protected from those who would like nothing better than to replace it with governing documents that will disconnect our government from its Christian philosophical foundation and  radically redistribute power and wealth and alter American society.

This series will be comprised of 3 parts. Part I is a historical examination of the series of crises that resulted in the  Philadelphia convention in 1787. Part II will be an examination of what is happening today to create or use existing crises to gin up a public cry for a new convention. In the final section we will expose existing plans, already partially implemented as part of the existing system of government, much of it in violation of the current Constitution, just waiting for the exploitation or creation of the level of crisis necessary to create the “tipping point” for a new constitutional convention.

___________________________________________________________________________________

1 Gladwell, Malcolm The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make A Big Difference; Little, Brown, and Co., Boston, 2002, rear cover, “The tipping point is that magic moment when an idea, trend, or social behavior crosses a threshold, tips, and spreads like wildfire”

2 American Legislative Exchange Council Resolution Passed by the International Relations Task Force and Federal Relations Working Group on December 4, 2009. Approved by the ALEC Board of Directors on January 8, 2010

“Beware The Con-Con Con Job” at the Institute On the Constitution’s ‘First Friday’

Chuck Michaelis, Vice-chairman of the Institute for Principled Policy, will deliver a talk entitled “Beware The Con-Con Con Job” at the Institute On the Constitution’s ‘First Friday’ event on Friday November 5, 2010 at 7:00pm. The event is being held at Heritage Community Church: 8146 Quarterfield Rd., Severn, MD 21144.

Chuck will discuss the current push for new constitutional conventions at the federal and several state levels. Chuck will discuss the tactics being used to maneuver the public into demanding a new convention, analyze and refute the arguments in favor and discuss the new constitutional model that is already and waiting to be adopted at the federal level.

Wanting To Amend The Constitution…In The Worst Way

This entry is part 2 of 3 in the series Freedom Action Conference 2010

Many of you have probably received this email or some variation of it-

Governors of 35 states have already filed suit against the Federal Government for imposing unlawful burdens upon them. It only takes 38 ( of the 50) States to convene a Constitutional Convention.

This will take less than thirty seconds to read. If you agree, please pass it on. For too long we have been too complacent about the workings of Congress. Many citizens had no idea that members of Congress could retire with the same pay after only one term, that they didn’t pay into Social Security, that they specifically exempted themselves from many of the laws they have passed (such as being exempt from any fear of prosecution for sexual harassment) while ordinary citizens must live under those laws. The latest is to exempt themselves from the Healthcare Reform that is being considered…in all of its forms. Somehow, that doesn’t seem logical. We do not have an elite that is above the law. I truly don’t care if they are Democrat, Republican, Independent or whatever. The self-serving must stop. This is a good way to do that. It is an idea whose time has come. Have each person contact a minimum of twenty people on their Address list; in turn ask each of those to do likewise. In three days, most people in The United States of America will have the message. This is one proposal that really should be passed around.

Proposed 28th Amendment to the United States Constitution

“Congress shall make no law that applies to the citizens of the United States that does not apply equally to the Senators and/or Representatives; and, Congress shall make no law that applies to the Senators and/or Representatives that does not apply equally to the citizens of the United States .”

You are one of my 20.

Because this is starting to get wide circulation it’s time to deal with the idea that a new constitutional convention is a good idea. It isn’t. It’s a ghastly idea.

Let’s look at in detail to try and see why. First, let’s make it clear that the sentiment behind this effort is completely understandable if not laudable. The fact is that we live in an era of rapidly worsening governmental crisis and many are desperate to find a remedy for the crisis. There are media-savvy radicals who desperately want the opportunity to change our current form of government by removing the limits on the power of the Federal government and eliminating the state governments, centralizing all power in the hands of an unrestricted national, as opposed to truly federal government. They have eagerly zeroed in on the desperation of conservatives to “get their government back” and have worked nearly non-stop to come up with a strategy of fooling them into getting done what they by themselves could not- get a new constitutional convention called.

These radicals know they are in the minority and also know that the only way they can get what they want is to devise a way to get the very people who should be rallying to defend the Constitution to  demand that a new convention be called. The lever these radicals are using is a governmental crisis caused  by completely ignoring the limits already set by the current Constitution.

This proposed amendment deals with forcing Congress to live by the same laws that are foisted on the public by lawmakers who exempt themselves from many of the  effects and penalties of these laws, which obviously makes them a tyranny. There are other proposed amendments making the rounds. A notable recent effort has been made to push state legislators to call for a constitutional convention for the purpose of passing a balanced budget amendment. Obviously, both these amendments have desirable goals. So what’s the problem?

The problem is that the conservative individuals behind these efforts have been  taken in by carefully developed arguments that seem to  imply that a limited constitutional convention, “shackled” to dealing with only one or at most a few amendments. One group, the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) is telling, falsely, state legislators that a “strongly worded” state resolution would “force” Congress and the delegates to a new convention to keep within the bounds of the state resolutions. Nothing could be further from the truth.

The fact is that once a convention is called, it completely out of the control of any legislative bodies. This is undeniable, based on previously set legal precedents from the Philadelphia Convention of 1787. That convention was bound by “strongly worded” Congressional and state resolutions, 12 of them, to amend the Articles of Convention, and ONLY amend the Articles. The first act of that convention was to vote to operate in complete secret. The second act of the convention was to agree to discard the Articles and write a new constitution.

Former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Warren Burger, when asked about what would happen at any new constitutional convention by Phyllis Schlafly said-

I have also repeatedly given my opinion that there is no effective way to limit or muzzle the actions of a Constitutional Convention. The convention could make its own rules and set its own agenda. Congress might try to limit the convention to one amendment or to one issue, but there is no way to assure that the convention would obey.

Burger was obviously in a position to know.

Sadly, the level of historical and constitutional scholarship on our side of the question plays into the hands of the radicals. Note for instance this part of the email-

Governors of 35 states have already filed suit against the Federal Government for imposing unlawful burdens upon them. It only takes 38 ( of the 50) States to convene a Constitutional Convention.

What’s wrong with this statement? It only takes 34 states (2/3 of 50) to call a new convention. It requires 38  states (3/4 of 50) to ratify amendments to the Constitution. With this sad lack of understanding of the mechanics of the Constitution is it any real wonder that conservative supporters of a new constitutional convention don’t know that precedents were set by the first convention that allow the current constitution’s ratification procedure to be completely bypassed and a new one set? Or that there is absolutely NO constitutional requirement that the states even be INVOLVED in a new convention, beyond calling for it?

We’ve amended the Constitution 27 times. Some for the better and some for the worse. NOT ONCE have we had to resort to a constitutional convention to get one passed. That’s an irrefutable fact.

Now there is an exhaustive case to be made against many of the arguments in favor of a new constitutional convention. We can’t do that in this article, but we can do it in a series of articles. That’s going to happen here over the next few weeks.

If you get a copy of the email at the top or something like it, do a “reply all” with a link to this article and help inform a fellow conservative. He’ll thank you for it.

We can also do it in a teaching type situation. Want to know more? Then get to Valley Forge, PA this coming weekend for the 2010 Freedom Action Conference where Chuck Michaelis, Vice-chairman of the Institute for Principled Policy, will present a strong case refuting the arguments in favor of a constitutional convention. You can attend this conference for as low as $100. That’s an incredible price for 3 days of priceless information and networking opportunities.

Can’t get there but want to see the presentations right from your computer? Follow this link, 2010 Freedom Action Conference, and then click the “Live Stream” button at the top. That will get you access to both the live event and the digital archives for an extended period. That only costs $29!

Freedom Action Conference

Hamilton’s Curse- The Hamiltonian Revolution of 1913

This entry is part 4 of 9 in the series Hamilton's Curse

The American Revolution (incorrectly so-called, at least between 1775-83) didn’t end with the Treaty of Paris in 1783. Once the British were defeated the real American Revolution, the internal battle over the form of the American government would take, began. The real revolution was fought between conservatives (the deliberately mis-named “Anti-Federalists” whom we will refer to as the “true federalists”), who originally wanted to retain but amend the Articles of Confederation and a group of nationalists (whose press-savvy leadership adopted the misnomer “Federalists” who we refer to in this article by their true view- “nationalists”) who desperately wanted to eliminate the state governments as sovereign entities and tried to use the Constitutional Convention, unsuccessfully, to do it. Just to clarify- there were Federalists who were true federalists, mostly in the south. That’s why we use the term “nationalists” instead of “Federalists” to differentiate these two groups using the same party label.

Since the nationalists had failed to eliminate the state governments at the convention they devised a plan under the leadership of Alexander Hamilton to subjugate them by adopting a new constitutional hermeneutic clearly not supported by the text of the document. The hermeneutic they adopted said, in effect, whatever authority is not expressly forbidden to the federal government by the Constitution was permitted to it, including the powers reserved to the states and to the people alone. And the method they chose to impose this hermeneutic on the new federal government was to pack the judiciary branch with its adherents.

The battle to subjugate the states see-sawed for 126 years. From splits over a national bank and foreign policy during the Washington administration to Jefferson’s “revolution” of 1800 to the War of 1812, the Monroe Doctrine, Jackson’s “Tariff of Abominations,” the nullification and secession crises, battle over the Bank of the United States, the Missouri Compromise, the Mexican War, “Manifest Destiny,” the Kansas-Nebraska Act, “Bleeding Kansas,” the Dred Scott decision, the “Secret Six,” John Brown’s raid and state treason trial were all merely the warm-ups to the real showdown between nationalists and true federalists over the Constitution and its proper interpretation- the War Between The States. The military victory of the nationalist northern Union over the federalist southern Confederation seemed to answer the question of constitutional interpretation and the nature of the Union by force. But questions answered by force of arms are rarely actually settled.

Even after a victory by force of arms the nationalists realized that there still existed in the language of the Constitution elements of state sovereignty and stiff controls on the growth of size in the federal government in the form of the minting and value of money and restriction of direct taxation (like income taxes). Nationalists knew that those parts of the Constitution that covered these restrictions intact could not be pushed aside by nationalist judicial reinterpretation, something Thomas Jefferson warned against –

Our peculiar security is in the possession of a written Constitution. Let us not make it a blank paper by construction.

Nationalists knew this because even a Supreme court packed with their cronies simply could not create by construction an argument that made explicit prohibition of direct taxation impermissible. That was demonstrated when the Supreme court declared the first two federal income taxes unconstitutional in 1872 and 1896. They just couldn’t get the job done by simply declaring they had the power to pass a tax and attempting to justify it by manipulating the meaning of the clear words of the Constitution.

Nationalists also knew that they had to stop the 10th amendment to the Constitution from being used to stifle federal usurpation of state and local authority as had been done before 1861. The only way to accomplish this was to remove the state governments’ representation in the federal Congress. They had to strip the authority to choose Senators from the state governments and place that authority in the hands of a more easily manipulated body with a short memory and nationalize it as much as possible. They were creating a super-representative with a term length guaranteed to keep the average voter from remembering that a Senator was a profligate tax-and-spender for the first 41/2 years of his term, especially if he supported some showy but meaningless legislation that allowed him to claim that he had been a “true fiscal conservative” his whole term (sound familiar?) during the final 18 months of it.

Last but certainly not least, nationalists understood that their grip on power would be tenuous and their ability to manipulate the populace would be limited without complete control of money and credit. They needed a national bank with the ability to nationalize interest rates and a fiat money supply which could be inflated or deflated to help manipulate voters, especially around presidential election years.

DiLorenzo explains in this chapter how all of this was accomplished within the span of a single year- 1913. He also explains that this was not the result of recent “progressive” tinkering as some historians have claimed but the result of deliberate and concerted efforts by men dedicated to accumulating and centralizing power in a national government at the expense of state and local governments over more than a century.

He also explains that the movement has had several incarnations during that period. Hamilton and his followers were advocates for a high tariff to “protect infant American industry” and an American form of Mercantilism.

Later, Henry Clay modified Hamilton’s vision into his “American System” of corporate welfare for road and canal building (which bankrupted several states, including Lincoln’s Illinois) and other “vital” industries, a national bank to “create credit” for these schemes and centralization of power in Washington, especially the power to tax.

Lincoln, calling himself Clay’s political heir, then further modified and implemented Clay’s system by claiming that the federal government had the “right” to keep states from seceding from the union by force of arms, thus stripping the 10th amendment of any real meaning, and tacitly claiming that it was necessary for northern corporate welfare that southern tariffs continue to be collected. Since he no longer had southern revenues to pay for the war to coerce them back into the union, he forced a graduated income tax (including withholding) through Congress claiming that it was constitutional because it was an “indirect direct tax,” making a mockery of the constitutional prohibition against direct taxation without apportionment.

I have included some media to illustrate what is meant about how nationalists think about the Constitution. Especially illustrative of the ultra-nationalist “living document” theory of constitutional interpretation is this conversation between Judge Andrew Napolitano and Rep. James Clyburn (D-SC) on the constitutionality of the federal health care law. Napolitano is taking the strict constitutional constructionist position (and dropping the ball on federal intervention in education matters).

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=00Xcqp46A64[/youtube]

In this article, Republican party “big tent” proponent, self-titled “conservative” and  naturalized American citizen born in Canada, David Frum, completely fails to make the case that the health care law is somehow constitutional. He does, however, expose his position as a nationalist in the Hamilton-Webster-Lincoln tradition as described earlier by adhering to the arguments stemming from the constitutional position described for that group of thinkers.

By the late 19th century it became clear to nationalists that they still had one obstacle in their path; the Constitution. The language in certain sections of the constitution simply could not be adequately de-constructed by re-interpretation and changes HAD to be made.

Hence the concerted efforts by nationalists to get the 16th and 17th amendments passed. Unfortunately, there was such a complete lack of understanding among the citizenry of what money and its purpose and function were, let alone the constitutional restrictions connected with the coining of it and the regulation of its value, that there was very little protest when the Federal Reserve System, a privately owned and operated national banking system, was created by law in complete violation of the Constitution, in the same year that the 16th and 17th amendments were finally passed. Thus, the last vestiges of the original American Republic  disappeared in a single year. The Revolution of 1913 completed what was started in 1861-5. The conversion of the United States from a federated republic of autonomous states ruled by law under a Constitution which limited the powers of the federation government to a single government entity free from limitations of its power by decree of its own courts and driven by the “will of the people” as manipulated by government/media for the “common good.”

DiLorenzo explains how this all took place in the course of a few short months and what the devastating results have been in the years since.

Another Policy Institute Board Member to Teach at Freedom Action

This entry is part 1 of 3 in the series Freedom Action Conference 2010

Freedom Action Conference

This Just Announced!

The director of the Institute For Principled Policy and the CEO of Principled Consulting, LLC Barry Sheets will be  teaching a session at the 2010 Freedom Action Conference on the subject of “Running a Grassroots Political Campaign on a Shoestring.”

This is just one of the many sessions that will be held at Valley Forge. DON’T MISS IT! Follow the links to FreedomActionConference.com, and register for the conference today to get the Early Bird registration discount.